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Electoral body admits it cannot redraw constituencies in time for the next General Election, leaving millions under-represented and the legality of the 2027 vote hanging by a thread.

The admission was quiet, but its echoes are already shaking the foundation of Kenya’s democracy. In a stark confession to Parliament this week, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) declared that redrawing the country’s electoral map before the 2027 General Election is now "near impossible."
For the average Kenyan voter, this is not just a bureaucratic delay; it is a red flag waving vigorously over the legitimacy of the next government. With less than two years to the ballot, the commission has effectively thrown in the towel on a constitutional mandate that ensures every vote carries equal weight.
IEBC Chairperson Erastus Edung Ethekon did not mince words when appearing before the National Assembly’s Constitution Implementation Oversight Committee (CIOC). He confirmed that the commission requires at least two to three years to conduct a credible boundary review—a luxury of time that Kenya no longer possesses.
The mathematics of the failure are brutal:
"Looking at the timelines, we might not meet the threshold," Ethekon admitted, signaling that Kenyans will likely vote in 2027 using 2012 boundaries that no longer reflect the reality of the country's population explosion.
To the man on the street in Nairobi or the farmer in Uasin Gishu, boundary lines might seem like abstract lines on a map. They are not. They are the pipelines for resources.
Constituencies determine the distribution of the National Government Constituencies Development Fund (NG-CDF). When boundaries are outdated, heavily populated areas get the same resources as sparsely populated ones, meaning a student in a crowded peri-urban constituency gets a fraction of the bursary support compared to their peer in a protected rural unit.
Currently, at least 40 constituencies fail to meet the population quota. Under strict constitutional adherence, these should be scrapped or merged—a move that is politically explosive and now likely to be shelved due to the time crunch.
The pessimism surrounding the 2027 polls is not just about maps; it is about trust. The recent by-elections in November 2025 served as the first test for the new IEBC team, and the grade was far from a distinction.
Observers and civil society groups, including the Law Society of Kenya (LSK), flagged widespread malpractices. Reports of voter bribery and intimidation in the presence of security officers were rampant. "Malpractices marred the recent by-elections, and no action has been taken, which is an indication of worse to come," warned a Daily Nation editorial.
If the commission cannot guarantee a clean process in a handful of wards, the prospect of managing a high-stakes General Election in 290 constituencies is causing jitters across the political spectrum.
The country is now sleepwalking into a constitutional minefield. Legal experts warn that holding the 2027 election with unconstitutional boundaries could provide grounds for the Supreme Court to nullify the results, plunging the nation into uncertainty.
The IEBC Secretariat had previously attempted to seek an advisory opinion from the Supreme Court on how to proceed, but the case was struck out in September 2025 because the commission was not fully constituted at the time. Now that the Commissioners are in office, they face a dilemma: rush a flawed process and risk violence, or skip it entirely and risk illegality.
As it stands, the commission is pleading for a political solution to a legal problem. But in Kenya's heated political climate, consensus is a rare currency.
"The country has been without an operational IEBC for far too long," noted Tharaka MP George Murugara earlier this year. "We are now paying the price for that delay."
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