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The collapse of a Pacific-led climate summit bid raises fresh concerns among developing nations, including Kenya, over the influence of geopolitical interests in addressing the urgent climate crisis.

Australia has officially withdrawn its long-standing bid to co-host the 2026 UN Climate Change Conference (COP31) with Pacific island nations, ceding the event to Turkey. The decision, announced on Thursday, 20 November 2025 (EAT), follows a protracted deadlock between the two nations, both members of the UN's Western European and Others Group (WEOG), which was next in line to host the crucial summit. The resolution prevents the conference from defaulting to the UN's headquarters in Bonn, Germany, a scenario many feared would signal a lack of global unity on climate action.
Under a compromise deal negotiated at the ongoing COP30 summit in Belém, Brazil, Turkey will host the conference in the city of Antalya, while Australia's Minister for Climate Change, Chris Bowen, is expected to take an unprecedented role as "president for negotiations." Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese described the outcome as a "big win" and an "outstanding result," arguing that leading the policy negotiations places Australia in the "strongest possible position." The deal also includes a proposal for a pre-COP leaders' meeting to be held in a Pacific island nation, focusing on climate finance and resilience.
The decision has been met with sharp disappointment from Pacific nations who saw the joint bid as a landmark opportunity to highlight their existential struggle against rising sea levels and climate-fuelled disasters. Papua New Guinea's Foreign Minister, Justin Tkatchenko, expressed deep frustration, stating, "We are all not happy. And disappointed it’s ended up like this." He dismissed the entire COP process as a "talk fest" that fails to hold major polluters accountable. This sentiment echoes a broader critique from Minister Tkatchenko, who has previously called the summits a "total waste of time" for failing to deliver tangible results for vulnerable states.
This frustration resonates strongly with the position of Kenya and other African nations. At successive climate conferences, including the current COP30, Kenyan leaders have consistently pushed for a fundamental reform of the global climate finance architecture, arguing that historical polluters must honour their commitments to fund adaptation and mitigation in the developing world. The sidelining of a Pacific-led COP is seen by many observers as another instance where the voices of those most affected by the climate crisis are marginalized by the geopolitical interests of larger nations.
For Kenya, the outcome of the COP31 hosting race underscores the immense challenges in ensuring climate justice. A Pacific-hosted summit would have amplified the shared vulnerabilities of developing countries, from small island states to the drought and flood-prone regions of East Africa. Kenya's own climate action plan, outlined in its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), is heavily contingent on international support, with an estimated 80% of its targets depending on external finance and technology transfer.
The critique that COP summits are becoming ineffective "talk fests" aligns with Kenya's persistent demands for concrete financial commitments over pledges. The failure to secure a host that represents the frontlines of the climate crisis raises critical questions about the UN process and its ability to deliver equitable outcomes. While Australia's role in leading negotiations is presented as a significant concession, climate activists and leaders from vulnerable nations will be closely watching whether this unique arrangement can genuinely prioritize the urgent needs of the Global South or if it will merely maintain the status quo. The focus now shifts to ensuring that the Turkish-hosted summit delivers substantive progress on climate finance, loss and damage, and accountability for major emitters—goals that remain central to Kenya's climate diplomacy.