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Saint Kitts and Nevis took a historic gamble against the WHO's prohibitionist stance in Geneva. The proposal failed, but the diplomatic shockwaves are already hitting Nairobi.

It was a moment of stunned silence in the sterile halls of the Geneva International Conference Centre. Saint Kitts and Nevis, a dual-island nation with a population smaller than that of Embu Town, did the unthinkable at the just-concluded FCTC COP11: they looked the World Health Organization (WHO) in the eye and blinked.
For years, the global conversation on tobacco control has been a monologue of prohibition. But last month, the Caribbean nation tabled a formal proposal to establish a working group on Tobacco Harm Reduction (THR)—essentially demanding that the global body acknowledge science that supports safer nicotine alternatives like vapes and pouches. The move earned them a cynical “Dirty Ashtray” award from activists, but it achieved something far more significant: it shattered the consensus.
For the Kenyan smoker in downtown Nairobi or the farmer in Migori, this diplomatic row in Switzerland is not abstract. It is the opening salvo of a war that will determine the price, availability, and safety of the nicotine products they use every day.
The 11th Conference of the Parties (COP11) was meant to be a coronation of stricter bans. Instead, it became a battleground of ideologies. Two competing visions emerged:
“This was not a policy shift, but a fact-finding mission grounded in the FCTC’s own principles,” a delegate from the Caribbean noted. Yet, the backlash was fierce. The Global Alliance on Tobacco Control (GATC) moved quickly to shame the delegation, framing the proposal as an industry Trojan horse.
While the proposal was ultimately shelved—kicked down the road to COP12—the diplomatic seal has been broken. For the first time, a sovereign state forced a formal debate on whether less harmful products should be treated differently than the deadly cigarette.
Back home, the Ministry of Health is watching closely. Kenya is currently at a regulatory crossroads. Under the leadership of Principal Secretary Mary Muthoni, the state has historically aligned with the WHO’s precautionary stance, recently mandating graphic warnings on nicotine pouches and proposing bans on flavors.
However, the ground is shifting beneath the regulators' feet. A recent survey by CASA revealed a startling disconnect between policy and public sentiment:
The danger of ignoring this shift is economic as much as it is medical. Critics warn that if Kenya doubles down on prohibition—following the Brazil model proposed at COP11—the market won't disappear; it will simply go underground. Kenya’s illicit trade network is already robust, costing the taxman billions in lost revenue. A ban on regulated alternatives could hand the entire sector over to cartels, flooding the streets with unchecked, unsafe products.
The “failure” of the Saint Kitts proposal is deceptive. By forcing the issue onto the agenda, they have ensured that COP12 will be the site of a definitive showdown. The era of quiet consensus is over.
For Kenya, the next two years are critical. Will we continue to import policies wholesale from Geneva, or will we look at our own data? With 2.6 million smokers and a healthcare system already burdened by preventable diseases, the luxury of ideological purity is one we perhaps cannot afford.
As the dust settles on Geneva, one thing is clear: the tiny island’s dare has proven that the global south is no longer content to just listen. They are ready to speak.
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